New Delhi: Under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi NDA The government on Wednesday won the first battle of numbers in the 18th Lok Sabha as the ruling NDA candidate won the first battle of numbers in the 18th Lok Sabha. Om Birla He was re-elected Speaker by voice vote. The India bloc of the opposition, despite all its might, did not press for a division vote – a clear admission of the lack of numbers on its side.
Ever since the results were declared on June 4, there has been talk of a change in the character of the 18th Lok Sabha.
AIMIM MP Asaduddin Owaisi today echoed the opinion of many in the Opposition camp, saying the BJP will not be able to “defeat” the Opposition in the new Lok Sabha as the character of the House has changed. The dynamics of numbers in the Lower House have indeed changed with the BJP failing to secure a majority on its own. Prime Minister Modi is now dependent on allies for the survival of his government. But has this led to any perceptible change? Modi 3.0 What has the company done since it was sworn in on June 9? The answer is both “yes” and “no.”
Election of the Speaker
The election of Om Birla as Lok Sabha Speaker was a hallmark of both Modi 1.0 and Modi 2.0. With the firm support of allies, the government did not let the opposition dictate terms on the election of the Speaker and refused to engage in any negotiations on the selection of the Deputy Speaker. While the opposition wanted a commitment on the Deputy Speaker post, the government gave a clear message: “First, you support the election of the Speaker, and after that, we can discuss about the Deputy Speaker.” The deadlock ensured an election for the Lok Sabha Speaker – something that had happened only three times so far – in 1952, 1967 and 1976.
Emergency Attack
Referring to the “dark days of Emergency” by Prime Minister Modi and other top NDA leaders ahead of the Parliament session was another typical BJP strategy – seen several times in the last 10 years of NDA rule – aimed not only at pressurising the Opposition but also at isolating it. Congress Within the Bharat Bloc. While the Congress and Bharat Bloc leaders stepped up their election campaign of “Save Constitution” to push back the BJP, the saffron party’s “Emergency” counter-attack was a well-planned move to maintain the narrative around the Constitution, but with a different approach. With Speaker Om Birla joining the government in attacking the Emergency, the Opposition’s hopes of any direct change in the functioning of the government may remain just that – due to low numbers.
BJP’s seal on the government
When? Prime Minister Modi After taking oath for a record third time, it was believed that allies, especially Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP and Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) would take home key ministries in return for their crucial support in running Modi 3.0. There were also reports that the TDP wanted the post of Speaker. However, that did not happen. The BJP has not given much space to allies and has kept almost all the important portfolios with itself.
Continuity versus Change
Modi 3.0 has been characterised by continuity, while change was the only continuity in Modi 2.0. Prime Minister Modi has retained most of his top ministers and even his top officials. He has also not made any changes in the portfolios of key ministers. The selection of the Speaker also indicates the same sense of continuity. This is in contrast to 2019, when Prime Minister Modi returned to power with a massive majority of 303 seats, and there were several changes in his Cabinet and Council of Ministers. In 2019, the BJP chose Om Birla as the Speaker, replacing Sumitra Mahajan, who had chaired the Lok Sabha during Modi 1.0.
Balancing policy issues
And while the BJP’s footprint has been strong so far, the saffron party will have to tread carefully when it comes to the policies of Modi 3.0. Even before the government was formed, allies had publicly expressed their objection to the Agniveer Yojana, a flagship policy of Modi 2.0. Caste census is another issue on which allies will have different views. During the election campaign, the BJP had attacked the Congress over the reservation given to Muslims in Karnataka. However, in the form of TDP, the BJP has an ally that openly supports the idea and is all set to implement it in Andhra Pradesh.
Working with ‘Shehzada’
Prime Minister Modi may have refrained from taking names. Rahul Gandhi In the last 10 years, the former Congress president was addressed as Shahzada. However, the changed numerical equation has now made the former Congress chief an integral part of the functioning of the government for the first time. We saw the first glimpse of this today when Rahul accompanied PM Modi to the Speaker’s chair, carrying Om Birla. Also, as the leader of the opposition, Rahul Gandhi will be part of several parliamentary bodies and panels for key appointments, which are chaired by the Prime Minister. Rahul will still have no say in their functioning, but he will be aware of all the discussions.
The BJP wants to get the point across that the third term of the Modi government is fully in power and it is as normal as the Prime Minister’s first two terms, but the Opposition knows that the Modi government is now completely dependent on the crucial support from two key allies. The upcoming budget may also provide some incentives, additional grants or special category status for Chandrababu Naidu’s Andhra Pradesh and Nitish Kumar’s Bihar. For Naidu and Nitish, these facilities will be far more important than any possible benefits at the Centre. As long as the BJP manages to keep the NDA united, it can dominate the Opposition and show a glimpse of its dominance in the last 10 years.
Ever since the results were declared on June 4, there has been talk of a change in the character of the 18th Lok Sabha.
AIMIM MP Asaduddin Owaisi today echoed the opinion of many in the Opposition camp, saying the BJP will not be able to “defeat” the Opposition in the new Lok Sabha as the character of the House has changed. The dynamics of numbers in the Lower House have indeed changed with the BJP failing to secure a majority on its own. Prime Minister Modi is now dependent on allies for the survival of his government. But has this led to any perceptible change? Modi 3.0 What has the company done since it was sworn in on June 9? The answer is both “yes” and “no.”
Election of the Speaker
The election of Om Birla as Lok Sabha Speaker was a hallmark of both Modi 1.0 and Modi 2.0. With the firm support of allies, the government did not let the opposition dictate terms on the election of the Speaker and refused to engage in any negotiations on the selection of the Deputy Speaker. While the opposition wanted a commitment on the Deputy Speaker post, the government gave a clear message: “First, you support the election of the Speaker, and after that, we can discuss about the Deputy Speaker.” The deadlock ensured an election for the Lok Sabha Speaker – something that had happened only three times so far – in 1952, 1967 and 1976.
Emergency Attack
Referring to the “dark days of Emergency” by Prime Minister Modi and other top NDA leaders ahead of the Parliament session was another typical BJP strategy – seen several times in the last 10 years of NDA rule – aimed not only at pressurising the Opposition but also at isolating it. Congress Within the Bharat Bloc. While the Congress and Bharat Bloc leaders stepped up their election campaign of “Save Constitution” to push back the BJP, the saffron party’s “Emergency” counter-attack was a well-planned move to maintain the narrative around the Constitution, but with a different approach. With Speaker Om Birla joining the government in attacking the Emergency, the Opposition’s hopes of any direct change in the functioning of the government may remain just that – due to low numbers.
BJP’s seal on the government
When? Prime Minister Modi After taking oath for a record third time, it was believed that allies, especially Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP and Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) would take home key ministries in return for their crucial support in running Modi 3.0. There were also reports that the TDP wanted the post of Speaker. However, that did not happen. The BJP has not given much space to allies and has kept almost all the important portfolios with itself.
Continuity versus Change
Modi 3.0 has been characterised by continuity, while change was the only continuity in Modi 2.0. Prime Minister Modi has retained most of his top ministers and even his top officials. He has also not made any changes in the portfolios of key ministers. The selection of the Speaker also indicates the same sense of continuity. This is in contrast to 2019, when Prime Minister Modi returned to power with a massive majority of 303 seats, and there were several changes in his Cabinet and Council of Ministers. In 2019, the BJP chose Om Birla as the Speaker, replacing Sumitra Mahajan, who had chaired the Lok Sabha during Modi 1.0.
Balancing policy issues
And while the BJP’s footprint has been strong so far, the saffron party will have to tread carefully when it comes to the policies of Modi 3.0. Even before the government was formed, allies had publicly expressed their objection to the Agniveer Yojana, a flagship policy of Modi 2.0. Caste census is another issue on which allies will have different views. During the election campaign, the BJP had attacked the Congress over the reservation given to Muslims in Karnataka. However, in the form of TDP, the BJP has an ally that openly supports the idea and is all set to implement it in Andhra Pradesh.
Working with ‘Shehzada’
Prime Minister Modi may have refrained from taking names. Rahul Gandhi In the last 10 years, the former Congress president was addressed as Shahzada. However, the changed numerical equation has now made the former Congress chief an integral part of the functioning of the government for the first time. We saw the first glimpse of this today when Rahul accompanied PM Modi to the Speaker’s chair, carrying Om Birla. Also, as the leader of the opposition, Rahul Gandhi will be part of several parliamentary bodies and panels for key appointments, which are chaired by the Prime Minister. Rahul will still have no say in their functioning, but he will be aware of all the discussions.
The BJP wants to get the point across that the third term of the Modi government is fully in power and it is as normal as the Prime Minister’s first two terms, but the Opposition knows that the Modi government is now completely dependent on the crucial support from two key allies. The upcoming budget may also provide some incentives, additional grants or special category status for Chandrababu Naidu’s Andhra Pradesh and Nitish Kumar’s Bihar. For Naidu and Nitish, these facilities will be far more important than any possible benefits at the Centre. As long as the BJP manages to keep the NDA united, it can dominate the Opposition and show a glimpse of its dominance in the last 10 years.
